The economy of Scotland had an estimated GDP of $205 billion in 2020. This includes oil and gas extraction in Scottish waters.  Scotland's economy has been closely aligned with the economy of the rest of the UK) and England has been its main trading partner. In 2017, Scotland's exports totalled £81.4 billion, of which £48.9 billion (60%) was with rUK, £14.9 billion with the EU, and £17.6 billion with other parts of the world.

Government Expenditure and Revenue Scotland (GERS) is an annual estimate of the Scottish economy as part of the United Kingdom.[1][2] It was first published in 1992, and ye

Published annually, the report details the difference between Scotland’s tax revenues and its public service expenditure.

The Brexit referendum opened up conflict between executive, parliamentary, national and popular sovereignties in the differing nations of the United Kingdom and had a noticeable effect on British disintegration.

Economic theory shows that the decision for a region to remain in a country (or a union) or to secede results from a trade-off between the benefits of being part of a large country, and the costs  associated with more heterogeneity. Literature confirms the importance of these trade-offs and shows that decentralization may be effective to accommodate secessionist conflicts only if certain conditions are fulfilled.

While opinion polls in the past few months have recorded unprecedented and sustained support for independence in Scotland, economists said the short to medium term economic and fiscal difficulties of leaving the UK look substantially greater than they did when voters rejected the idea in 2014.

Scotland is economically viable as it has natural resources, a skilled population, strong trading relations, excellent industrial sectors and products, and a well developed financial sector.

 With the right plan on currency, economic model and transition, there is no reason why Scotland could not become a successful independent nation. But that plan needs to come from the 2020s, not the 1990s. And it needs to come from a broad cross section of civil society, not just business groups.

Far from being an asset to the independence cause, the Growth Commission is its biggest liability. It’s time, as we say, ‘tae think again’.

It’s that time of year again when unionists start spreading lies about how an independent Scotland is subsidised by taxpayers money from the rest of the United Kingdom.

With every passing election, Scotland seems to move closer to independence. Investment Monitor explores the obstacles the country would face should it leave the UK.

The possible financial costs and risks, or savings and opportunities, of implementing a new constitutional framework are, naturally, not considered in GERS. Similarly, it does not report on the effects of faster or slower economic growth in an independent Scotland.

When you compare the map of where the wealth ends up with a map of where the UK’s wealth is generated, the union drains wealth from Scotland.

Estimated total expenditure for the benefit of Scotland by the Scottish Government, UK Government, and all other parts of the public sector was £99.2 billion. Spending increased by 21.0%, reflecting the costs of the health and wider economic interventions in response pandemic. This is equivalent to 9.1% of total UK public sector expenditure, or £18,144 per person, which is £1,828 per person greater than the UK average.

There is no evidence for the claim that HS2 will cost Scotland. In effect, all money spent by Scotland on HS2 is returned through the Barnett formula.

The article reports comparative analysis of economic and planning policy documents from Scotland, England and the UK.  This indetifies four key policy areas for ‘inclusive growth’: skills, transport and housing for young people; city-regional governance; childcare; and place-making.

the best performing policies were captured and adapted to inform a suite of model policies with global application. Significantly, the policies champion the different functions performed by GI and stress the need for early and ongoing involvement throughout any development process with funding for long-term stewardship post-development.

There are issues, such as the distribution of income, which merit particular attention in Scotland's case.  There are also contradictions in explanations of Scotland's economic performance that have to be addressed.

Brexit is just the latest and most obvious example of the democratic deficit which makes the Union so damaging to Scotland and renders it impossible for the people of Scotland to have any control over our country’s future.

There is no set of official accounts that tells us how an independent Scotland’s economy would fare, nor what its finances would look like. Any attempt to analyse Scotland’s finances is instantly hampered by the fact that Scotland is not an independent nation and therefore does not have the same financial data, trade statistics, costs and revenue information available to work with that a normal independent country would have.

The economic situation has been made even worse by the unfolding disaster that is Brexit. Scotland voted to remain in the EU, because it was manifestly in our best interests to do so. But our votes were ignored, along with our opinions, our economic drivers and our arguments for a softer Brexit which would have allowed us to stay in the single market.