How does the Scottish Government score in the Worldwide Governance Indicators?

1: Voice and Accountability - good

2: Political Stability - good. Better than England

3:Government Effectiveness - good and more trusted than England

4: Regulatory Quality - good although an independent Scotland would need some new regulatory bodies

5: Rule of Law - good. It has a well-regarded legal sysem

Statistical collection and analysis needs to be improved in a devolved UK.  Greater detail of local and regional analysis is required for both Scotland and England.

This week, Craig talks to SNP Policy Development Convenor Chris Hanlon and Agnes MacAuley from SNP Greenock & Inverclyde about the latest GERS figures and what they mean (and don’t mean) for Scotland, independence and the post-pandemic recovery. They then discuss up and coming motions to the SNP conference that have been influenced by or based on Common Weal policies including one for a National Transport Company designed to help decarbonise our cars and other vehicles.

It’s not possible to predict how much money a notionally independent Scotland might be able to spend in the future, and how this might compare with the amount spent per person in the rest of the UK at that time.

The GERS figures do not show that if Scotland were to become independent, each person in Scotland would become £2,000 worse off. The figure only refers to the current difference between revenue and spending in Scotland compared to the UK.

Gordon Morgan examines the IT Systems requirements for an independent Scotland in this White Paper Project report.

This paper is intended to provide an overview of the following aspects of a Scottish Defence & Security Strategy:

• What is meant by ‘Scottish national security’
• What threats it would be required to address
• What framework it would operate under
• How Scottish foreign policy would impact it
• What institutions would implement it

The intent of this paper is not to serve as a finalised strategy but instead to provide a basis for further discussion and development.

Leading economist Margaret Cuthbert draws on 15 years of research on Scottish public procurement in making the case that procurement in Scotland is shrouded in secrecy and wide-ranging reforms are needed to ensure transparency and accountability.

This Common Weal note examines how an Open Government approach to Public Finance data can improve its usability and transparency for citizens.

This paper lays out the case for the formation of a Scottish Statistics Agency, funded to a level comparable to nations similar to Scotland, which has the power to fill vital gaps in the gathering, analysis and provision of statistics pertaining to Scotland as well as to curate a comprehensive and transparent database of statistics for public use.

PFI, and other forms of public private partnership (PPP) as practised in England and Scotland, are well known to be very problematic concepts. They involve, on the one hand, extremely high rates of return for investors in many schemes – but on the other hand, an unacceptable rate of failure in other schemes.

Common Weal looks at Fiscal Policy and provides an alternative prospectus based on ensuring wellbeing and equality for the people of Scotland.

The quest for GDP and GDP Growth is not sustainable in a finite world and this should also be recognised by an independent Scotland. Metrics such as environmental impact, inequality and wellbeing are far more important and only by elevating them above the quest for “growth at all costs” can a truly fair and sustainable Scotland be created.

This paper proposes six policy ways to renew the Scottish Government’s domestic agenda through fresh and eye-catching policy transformation after 10 years in power at Holyrood.

This paper looks at the vulnerabilities in the UK’s electoral process in the form of the lax regulation around digital political adverts. Such adverts can be bought cheaply and tightly micro-targeted at individual voters. The current fines levied against groups who over-spend on campaigns is low enough that not only do they provide no deterrence to overspending, the fines risk becoming actively “costed in” to campaigns mounted by well-funded yet unscrupulous organisations.

The deal passed in the Scottish Parliament is the beginning of a quest to make clear some definitions and to lead the country away from constitutional meaninglessness, cruel political comedy and out of the deliberately constructed tragic dead end of devolution. 

― There are two primary issues with data for the public and for transparency – trust and usability. The former of these is crucial.

― Making numbers have meaning for people should be the primary public-facing aim of public data. But this should also carry an additional element – regular work should be done to systematically identify what information the public wants from public data.

Both books are essential reading for both believers in Scottish independence and undecided voters who seek answers to their practical questions about the processes required for starting an independent country.

The Constitution sets out the conditions under which the people agree to be governed. It lays down the basic principles of the State, the structures, and processes of government, defines the limits within which our politicians, at all levels, must operate and the fundamental rights of citizens in a higher law that cannot be unilaterally changed by an ordinary legislative act.

The recent Citizens Assembly on the future of Scotland has painted a considered and compelling picture of what an improved democracy in Scotland could look like, including a proposal, supported by 83.5% if its members, to complement the elected Scottish Parliament with a permanent citizens’ assembly (with regular rotation of membership), i.e., to establish a House of Citizens in the Scottish Parliament.

Transparency on the influences and lobbyists upon the Scottish government and MSPs needs to be strengthened.