Common Weal held a series of in-depth discussions with a wide range of individuals and organisations working in local democracy and community development based on an outline plan for a new tier of local democracy in Scotland. The outline plan was then revised and adapted on the basis of the comments received during those conversations. This is the final proposal.

Town centre regeneration has been a topic subject to dichotomies in Scottish political thinking. For every person who believes that “something should be done” to reverse the long term decay of our towns, there are others who simply accept that the decline is either inevitable or even hold it to be a positive thing. Common Weal rejects this latter view especially as the pandemic and lockdown has demonstrated just how vital local community is in times of crisis.

This paper looks at the implications of whistle-blower Edward Snowden’s revelations of the global nature of US and UK mass surveillance of innocent citizens and businesses. It looks at the case of spying on the Brazilian national oil company, Petrobas, and the response of the Brazilian government. It makes the case for the adoption by businesses and government of publicly auditable open source software to protect Scottish sovereignty, and argues that Scotland could quickly become a global leader in an emerging market for open source software.

The Edinburgh festivals can be understood as a 74 year process of gentrification. The first wave landed in the fertile but seedy terrain of the post-war Old Town. Perhaps Edinburgh’s lightning-fast change over the past three decades simply fulfils a pattern. This is familiar to so many increasingly expensive cultural capitals the world over. This is a small city which has simply run out of space.

Scotland has one of the most concentrated patterns of private land ownership in the developed world; just 450 people own over half of the private land in Scotland. This entitlement has survived un-challenged for 500 years, a privilege that has its roots in royal favours and aristocratic archetypes

The deal passed in the Scottish Parliament is the beginning of a quest to make clear some definitions and to lead the country away from constitutional meaninglessness, cruel political comedy and out of the deliberately constructed tragic dead end of devolution. 

Latest GERS (UK Government's Expenditure and Revenue Report for Scotland) figures have been released. The author sets out what the figures represent and how they can be misleading in terms of Scotland's capabilities as an independent nation.

― There are two primary issues with data for the public and for transparency – trust and usability. The former of these is crucial.

― Making numbers have meaning for people should be the primary public-facing aim of public data. But this should also carry an additional element – regular work should be done to systematically identify what information the public wants from public data.

Country of Birth is a substantial driver of support for independence.  Support for independence is particularly volatile amongst males aged 34-55 but remains relatively stable for other age groups.  Support for independence amongst females is generally rising in all age groups.

Remain voters are far more likely to say they will vote for independence and Leave voters now far more likely to vote against.  

Social grades ABC1 were overwhelmingly likely to vote No.  Social grades C2DE are extremely likely to vote for independence.  

―Countries rarely have full control over all aspects of currency management simultaneously. Compromises must often be made, though different countries arrive at different solutions to those compromises.

― Setting up a new currency, if an independent Scotland chooses to do so, will involve planning but the steps involved are well understood and opportunities arise for public involvement in some of them, particularly design of new notes and coins.