The Barnett formula
The Accounting Trick that Hides Scotland’s Wealth
Scotland the Brief
All you need to know about Scotland's economy, its finances, independence and Brexit.
Nationalism and the politics of austerity: comparing Catalonia, Scotland, and Québec
This analysis of the impact of austerity on nationalism stresses the role of blame as it interacts with political institutions and fiscal pressures.
The SNP must rethink its economic model for an independent Scotland
A critique of the Growth Commission's report. "Far from being an asset to the independence cause, the Growth Commission is its biggest liability. It’s time, as we say, ‘tae think again’."
Brexit has reinvigorated Scottish nationalism
Scottish independence is a constitutional project, not an economic one. Fixing who governs you takes precedence over an easy life for supermarkets or civil servants. Brexit has shown that a committed government, with the mandate of a referendum and an appetite for dislocation, can go a long way.
The Politics of Scotland’s Public Finances
The early operation of the 2016 Scottish Fiscal Framework and the divergence of UK and Scottish income tax rates highlights the practical issues of devolved tax policy in the context of UK fiscal centralization.
Ambiguous no more: Time to de-mystify the Barnett Formula
The overall effect of the new Barnett funding system is to place Scotland in a vulnerable position, where it is at much greater risk of falling into a cycle of economic decline relative to the rest of the UK.
The Barnett Formula
The Barnett formula calculates the annual change in the block grant. The formula doesn’t determine the total size of the block grant just the yearly change. For devolved services, the Barnett formula aims to give each country the same pounds-per-person change in funding.
Can Scottish independence backers win economic argument?
While opinion polls in the past few months have recorded unprecedented and sustained support for independence in Scotland, economists said the short to medium term economic and fiscal difficulties of leaving the UK look substantially greater than they did when voters rejected the idea in 2014.
The SNP must rethink its economic model for an independent Scotland
With the right plan on currency, economic model and transition, there is no reason why Scotland could not become a successful independent nation. But that plan needs to come from the 2020s, not the 1990s. And it needs to come from a broad cross section of civil society, not just business groups.
Far from being an asset to the independence cause, the Growth Commission is its biggest liability. It’s time, as we say, ‘tae think again’.
Scotland spends 20% more per head on public services than England
t’s correct that spending on public services in Scotland is 20% higher per head than in England. But this money comes from the block grant from the UK Treasury, rather than from England specifically. An increasing proportion of the Scottish government’s budget also comes from taxes it raises
NHS Scotland: how much is being spent?
The planned increase in day-to-day spending on health in Scotland between 2006/07 and 2018/19 has gone up by £4 billion to £13 billion. It doesn’t account for inflation though, once that is added the increase is £2 billion.
Scotland’s new choice; Independence after Brexit
, we have drawn together leading experts to examine the key issues, opportunities and challenges surrounding the prospect of independence. Much has changed since the 2014 referendum – most notably, the UK’s decision to leave the European Union. By providing factual information and impartial analysis, we hope that the book can support citizens to engage in debates and make up their own minds about Scotland’s future.
The truth about the annual GERS figures. Open Minds on Independence #6
There is no set of official accounts that tells us how an independent Scotland’s economy would fare, nor what its finances would look like. Any attempt to analyse Scotland’s finances is instantly hampered by the fact that Scotland is not an independent nation and therefore does not have the same financial data, trade statistics, costs and revenue information available to work with that a normal independent country would have.
Claim Scots will be £2,000 worse off after independence is Unsupported
It’s not possible to predict how much money a notionally independent Scotland might be able to spend in the future, and how this might compare with the amount spent per person in the rest of the UK at that time.
The GERS figures do not show that if Scotland were to become independent, each person in Scotland would become £2,000 worse off. The figure only refers to the current difference between revenue and spending in Scotland compared to the UK.
Policies for an independent Scotland? Putting the Independence White Paper in its fiscal context
A conservative anslysis of prospects for taxation in an independent Scotland.
Open Government Note: Transparency in Public Finance – the role of good data
This Common Weal note examines how an Open Government approach to Public Finance data can improve its usability and transparency for citizens.
Common Weal Inverness and InverYes – Consideration of the Sustainable Growth Commission Report
A study group comprised of members from Common Weal Inverness and InverYes undertook a detailed reading of the report published by the Sustainable Growth Commission and have collated their thoughts, opinions and recommendations ahead of attending the National Assemblies.