Only independence can remove the democratic deficit. Scottish independence is the cosmopolitan choice. There will be some economic damage, uncertainty, and a new currency.
No has, in some ways, a stronger case in the second referendum but a far lower chance of success: it will lose because there will be no-one out there able to tell the No story.
Scottish independence is a constitutional project, not an economic one. Fixing who governs you takes precedence over an easy life for supermarkets or civil servants. Brexit has shown that a committed government, with the mandate of a referendum and an appetite for dislocation, can go a long way.
A review of polls at January 2021 shows increasing support for independence, possibly due to Brexit.
Independence, then, might be inevitable, but it has to be contemplated with some sense of reality. The reality of Brexit in front of our eyes. Scotland’s freedom from unending Tory rule from London may well be unavoidable. The constitutional position is simply unsustainable. It is intolerable to most of the Scottish people. Can they face another five, 10, 15 years of English Tory rule, even with devolution? Probably not, and they might hope for the best from “global Scotland” as it seizes unnamed exciting new opportunities.
BBC History Magazine view of the Act of Union
A Scottish historical view of the passing of the Act of Union.
This primer covers Scottish sovereignty from the Roman era to the Jacobite revolts, the 2014 referendum and Brexit
Decisions on independence are balanced between a few elements:
A rebalancing of relations with England outside the EU.
Independence with the objective to join the EU, creating a hard border with England.
Independence outside the EU and some trading arrangement with England.
Independence with membership of EFTA and a softer border with England.
The practical issues that arise on separating Scotland from rUK cannot be underestimated, despite the existence of a Scottish Government since devolution. Everything run on a UK-wide basis must be split. Laws that are in force in Scotland and in rUK on independence day will continue in force, but both countries need to look at their statute books in order to ensure that they meet the requirements of each country's new or revised form
There’s a multitude of reasons why people aren’t in favour of independence. We take a look at them including the economy, borders, currency, whether there is real benefit to the union.
You can follow the betting odds on and against Scottish independence on websites such as OddsChecker.
Summary of pros and cons of independence.
10 Reasons to support an Independent Scotland
A summary of reasons for Scottish Independence.
Scottish independence is where Scotland is governed by people who live and work in Scotland, with a government based in Scotland. We get to decide our own way in the world, and if we want, we can join whatever other bodies, such as the EU that WE want for OUR reasons, and we can welcome people from all over the world who wish to live, work, and contribute to our society.
Small countries are vulnerable in a world of large states. But they may have opportunities not open to their larger neighbours. This work examines three different models of adaptation, concluding that, whichever model is adopted, it will require internal reform as well as external independence.
Independence is about the right of people in Scotland to decide their own future
We’re the ideal size
Scotland is a wealthy nation with a big economy
We’re educated and talented
We have extraordinary energy resources
We export high quality produce and goods
We are at the cutting edge of the industries of the future
We’re big enough, rich enough and smart enough – even opponents of independence believe so
, we have drawn together leading experts to examine the key issues, opportunities and challenges surrounding the prospect of independence. Much has changed since the 2014 referendum – most notably, the UK’s decision to leave the European Union. By providing factual information and impartial analysis, we hope that the book can support citizens to engage in debates and make up their own minds about Scotland’s future.
In his article, Klaus Stolz (Chemnitz) focuses on the Scots’ decision in the Brexit referendum on June 23, 2016. For him, the result is not only representative of the relationship between Scotland and Europe, but also of the relationship between Scotland and the rest of Great Britain. That most Scots want to stay in the EU and thus deviate from the majority of the British is what he regards as part of a bigger domestic political division. Klaus Stolz does not consider Brexit as a cause, but as a possible catalyst for the disintegration of Great Britain.
This chapter makes use of the lenses of citizenship to explore the interaction between the two dimensions of ‘troubled membership’. It locates legal change in its broader political context and focuses on contested boundaries of polity membership. This explores the content of a possible future Scottish citizenship, and examines the formal legal membership and political citizenship in respect of both the Scottish referendum and the UK’s referendum on EU membership.